Issue #1 of Chuang journal released

Issue #1 of Chuang journal released

Chuang is a collective of communists who consider the ‘China question’ to be of central relevance to the contradictions of the world’s economic system and the potentials for its overcoming. Their goal is to formulate a body of clear-headed theory capable of understanding contemporary China and its potential trajectories. In this first issue, they outline their basic conceptual framework and illustrate the current state of class conflict in China. The issue also includes translated reports and interviews with the proletarians engaged in these struggles, pairing theory with primary sources drawn from class dynamics that might otherwise remain abstract.


Trapped at a Party Where No One Likes You

Trapped at a Party
Where No One Likes You

When considering unemployment, social exclusion or precarity, it is inadequate to simply take refuge within the empirical question of which groups live under these conditions. Contemporary sociological identities are themselves forms of appearance, moments of the totality of the reproduction of the capital-labor relation and therewith in the devaluation of the labor-power commodity presently unfolding through the category of the surplus proletariat.


A Discussion of Syriza’s Referendum in the Current Crisis

A Discussion of Syriza’s Referendum
in the Current Crisis

Where has Syriza taken Greece? Which are the forces at play in the restructuring of the Greek economy? And what are the conditions of its radical critique? What follows is a discussion of Cognord’s text “Changing of the Guards”, including TH’s critical remarks on that text, Cognord’s reply to these remarks, Ady Amatia’s comments on the questions raised in this discussion, and Cognord’s second response. TH and Ady Amatia are members of the Sic collective.


from We Are Nothing and So Can You

from We Are Nothing
and So Can You

Diagonally, by love and hate
in equal parts
propelled, the mob returns
like a chorus
the cops keep getting
hit with, in the head
brick and bottle tra la la
of fuck you, pig and die, pig, die



A Statement from a Comrade and Baltimore Native About the Uprising There

A Statement from a Comrade and Baltimore Native About the Uprising There

Im heading home in two days.

There is something very important happening not only in Baltimore, but across black America. As of now there have been no reported deaths at the hands of protesters in a city where 250 people are killed a year, nearly all of those homicide victims being black. In spite of the fires and the looting, the young people of Baltimore are still showing a greater restraint in their conflicts with police and store-owners than they have shown in their conflicts amongst each other. I say this because for years it has been my family too that has done some of the killing and much of the dying.

Why is it that the current uprising has, in spite of its violence, not tilted toward a shooting war between whites and blacks, cops and kids, landlords and tenants, bosses and workers, given the fact that the shooting war between young black men across the region is invariant? Because young black people still value the lives of their structural enemies more than they value their own. The engineering of what is possibly the most efficient self-cannibalizing social organism in history – the nightly shootouts, the stabbings, the overdoses – is a project that has been centuries in the making.

The black youth of Baltimore have been conditioned to view themselves as the problem. Every socio-economic issue that arises is somehow the result of their behavior. They hear this not only from the white cops, the filipina teachers, the korean liquor store owners, but also from too many of the blacks who attended Coppin or Morgan and secured decent jobs and decided that the reason the police still profile them, or their home values dont rise, or they didnt get that pay raise, is because “the niggas” moved out the county, or they are still robbing each other, or they make “the rest of us” look bad.

The structure of America has shifted to ensure that there is no place for these young people. The movements of today will not echo the struggles of the sixties. Today there is no protracted post-war economic boom, no high paying jobs for low skilled workers, no attempt to further integrate impoverished blacks into the productive process. Decades of deindustrialization halted the economys attempt to integrate low-income blacks into the workforce, and the exponential expansion of the prison system over the past four decades signals a return to the slave system as a means of managing black America. What we are witnessing in Ferguson, Baltimore, and soon in black neighborhoods across America, is a present-day slave rebellion.

Today, there is no legitimate black leadership. If anything the ascension of a handful of blacks into positions of power has demonstrated the structural impossibility of finding a place for the majority of blacks in America. A black mayor, a black police chief, a black president, and Baltimore still burns.

This is not a hopeful situation. It is fully possible that there can be no resolution to these problems. I can only hope that the people who designed this architecture of black misery, this meat-grinder of black flesh, will soon feel the weight of the teeth and nails on the backs of their own necks.

Josh Baltimore

April 29, 2015

A Common Statement on the ‘Wolandgate’

A Common Statement on the ‘Wolandgate’

A basic strand of communisation theory is a radical opposition to the capitalist state in all its incarnations, and to governments of all stripes.

Sic has thus nothing to do with government officials.

A participant in Sic, who had been inactive within the project for approximately a year, recently decided to join a party playing the card of left-keynesianism in 2015, and became a high-ranking cadre in the new Syriza administration in Greece.

The decision was taken to remove him from the Sic e-mail list, formally ending his association with the project. But it should go without saying that, with his political trajectory, his membership in the project was already de facto impossible.

Those participating in Sic are partisans of communisation; they share the understanding of the revolution as communisation – i.e. as the dissolution of capitalist social relations and the state.

To posit this theory as somehow inducing its opposite is a breathtaking feat of dialectical ‘delinquence’. But as we know, anything you publish on the Internet can, and will, be used against you in evidence…

Arson with Demands – On the Swedish Riots

Arson with demands
– on the Swedish riots

30-40 years ago, the state could afford to BUILD 1 million flats in 10 years, now it’s too poor to even RENOVATE them.

– Megafonen – ‘Alby is not for sale!’

This exclamation is highly representative of the activism that has flourished in the suburbs of Stockholm these past years. In this case, it comes from Megafonen (‘The Megaphone’), a grass-roots activist group founded by young people in the Stockholm suburb Husby in 2008, around the principles of democracy, welfare, community, work and education. The state, says Megafonen here, no longer lives up to its proper function, which would be to ensure the material well-being of people through housing policies. The ambivalence of this perspective is already clear in the nostalgic reference to the heyday of Swedish social-democratic welfare, represented by the state housing policy which led to the construction of ‘1 million flats’ between 1965 and 1974. On the one hand, it recognises cuts, privatisations, closures, etc. as symptoms of an already existing capitalist restructuring. On the other hand, its actions emerge as the affirmation of what is left of the infrastructure and political institutions that formed the Swedish workers’ identity, e.g. public housing.



Starting from the Moment of Coercion

Starting from the Moment of Coercion
– Cizire Canton, Rojava

The relation of exploitation contains, in an immanent way, a direct relation of domination, of subjection, and of social and police control. But when one takes the relation of domination, of subjection, as the totality of the relation of exploitation, the part for the whole, then one loses sight of the relation of exploitation and of the classes. The moment of coercion taken as starting point and posited as the totality of the relation between the individual and society inevitably lapses into the point of view of the isolated individual and the critique of everyday life.

— Théorie Communiste, The Glass Floor

A Revolution in Daily Life

Across the domains of government in the canton of Cizire, people are working, mostly on a voluntary basis, to make ambitious transformations to society. Doctors want to build a modern free healthcare system but also, they told us, to collect and disseminate suppressed local knowledge about healing and to change the conditions of life in general. They aim, they said, to build a way of life free of the separations – between people and between people and nature – that drive physical and mental illness. Academics want to orient education to ongoing social problems. They plan, they said, to abandon exams and destroy divides between teachers and students and between established disciplines. The new discipline of ‘gynology’ (the science of women) constructs an alternative account of mythology, psychology, science and history. Always and everywhere, we were told, women are the main economic actors and those with responsibility for ‘ethics and aesthetics’, ‘freedom and beauty’, ‘content and form’. The revolution aims to overcome the limits placed on these activities when the State is taken as a model for power.